BRITISH STEEL DESERVES A FUTURE FOR THE SAKE OF OUR CLIMATE.
There
is a strong strategic case for the UK to continue steel production, not least
because it has the capacity to show a lower future carbon footprint than its
competitors. There would be a strong case now, if all steel producers were
obliged to reflect the costs of climate damage. But it would be strengthened immeasurably
if the UK proceeded with plans for carbon capture and storage (CCS) where we
have, in the North Sea and our oil industry expertise, a natural comparative advantage.
In a rational economic world, competition and free trade are
supposed to ensure that we produce what we want and need at the lowest possible
cost. Unfortunately that is not the world in which we live. Most of the world’s
national steel producers, including China and Germany, find ways to protect
their own industries. Even more important is the distortion caused when none of
them are obliged to factor in the huge damage and possible catastrophe that CO2
emissions are inflicting or will inflict on our climate. This threat was recognised
in words though not in actions at the Paris summit, and emphasised by the record
global temperatures observed in February 2016.
The rapidly growing urgency of action to curb carbon
emissions means that any rational economic analysis ought to give a huge
comparative advantage to retaining energy intensive industry in countries which
are able to provide low carbon power and low carbon industrial processes. With
this perspective how do some of the other major steel producers stack up?
China,
although it recognises the gravity of its situation in relation to climate, and
is building large numbers of nuclear reactors, is still, for the foreseeable
future, an economy heavily dependent on coal – the worst form of fossil fuel.
Germany,
despite its Green pretensions, has set its face against both nuclear power and
carbon capture, the two most important technologies for rapid baseload deployment
in a low carbon economy. It continues to commission new coal stations without
CCS. Energy cross subsidies to German industry are a long running concern for
fair competition in Europe, and German industry benefits further from the
artificially low de facto exchange rate that Germany enjoys within the Eurozone.
The UK has a
potential advantage in terms of lower coal dependence. But this would be
magnified many times over if we proceeded with plans for a CCS network. It is therefore
doubly unfortunate that the government should have cancelled its funding of CCS
projects in November 2015.
Even this is not the whole story. Politicians and industry
lobbyists prefer to concentrate on relative energy prices rather than exchange
rates, although the latter are often an order of magnitude more important than
the former. The UK currently runs a
record deficit on current account, making the current valuation of sterling
ever more dependent on the “kindness of strangers”, to quote the Governor of the
Bank of England. Losing a steel industry will only add to that, increasing the
likelihood that any major shock, like the risk of Brexit, will provoke a sudden
slide in the currency, which might of course make UK steel competitive again.
But by then of course it may be too late.
1 comment:
Your previous blog on the conjunction of Brexiteers and climate sceptics is very apt, and has relevance to the debate about what’s to blame for the plight of UK steel. Some Brexiteers have blamed Port Talbot’s problems on high EU energy costs as well as the EU’s failure to impose adequate anti-dumping duties on Chinese steel imports. It is misleading to blame the EU for high energy costs related to renewable energy subsidies, when the UK’s own Climate Change act mandates more ambitious emission reductions than EU legislation, and to suggest that Brussels does not allow the UK to offset the extra cost of clean energy policies for energy-intensive industries. The Commission is keen to keep energy-intensive industries in Europe for the carbon leakage reasons you give. So it now allows state aid to be paid to compensate for clean energy costs. But while Brussels can stop governments paying the wrong sort of state aid merely to prop up lame ducks, it cannot force them to pay the right kind of state aid that would provide temporary help to the inevitable losers in our necessary transition to low carbon energy.
David B
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