One question
that may arise in the UK’s referendum debate is the effect of EU membership on
the continuing force of the Paris COP 21 agreement, if the UK votes to leave
the EU. Will the UK still be bound by the agreement if it leaves? The answer,
unsurprisingly perhaps, is relatively simple to state but perhaps more complex
in practice.
First,
both the EU and the UK separately
became signatories (link provides a full list) on 22 April 2016, among 175 parties
signing on that day. This in itself is a surprising story, with a previously recalcitrant Russia as one of the signatories, but not Saudi Arabia. The EU’s internal decision making processes are complex
and the official Council decision authorising the EU signature to the Paris
agreement was only published on 19 April.
It is
likely that there will be significant further internal negotiation before the
EU is able to ratify the agreement. Definition of competence is relevant here.
In "economic" areas such as trade in goods and the internal market the EU has exclusive competence,
but in areas such as environment and climate, competence is shared with member states.
In these areas they conclude "mixed
agreements" – where both EU and individual member states sign. But in any
case significant negotiations are likely to be involved. It is unlikely that the EU would be able to sign up to a commitment without a clear understanding of how it would impact on the individual member states.
Prima
facie the position is very simple. If the EU signed an agreement and the UK or
any member state subsequently left, then that state would not be bound by the
agreement unless it had also signed the agreement itself. If it had not signed
it would not be so bound. If it had signed and the EU had not, it would also be
bound.
At present it may seem unlikely that either the EU
or the UK will ultimately fail to ratify the agreement before the date set for
UK exit from the EU after triggering Article 50 of the Treaty on European
Union. However given the political correlation between scepticism over Europe and
over climate policies, it is possible that the EU could ratify and the UK could
leave before ratification, and that the UK could refuse to ratify. The
converse, the UK ratifying while the EU did not, currently seems much less likely,
but cannot be ruled out if other tensions within the EU continue to multiply.
If, as seems most likely, the momentum from Paris
continues to grow, a failure to ratify could make life very difficult for the
UK in future post Brexit trade negotiations both with the EU and with other
countries. If this is appreciated by ministers, the possibility of non-ratification
may seem a little academic.
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