Meanwhile the petition for a second referendum is gathering signatures at the rate of 1000 per minute. (8.40 am today). At this rate it seems likely to pass the 3 million mark before midday.
So what are the implications of the referendum vote for climate and energy policy issues? These are not at the forefront for the moment, and no doubt the Leave politicians, many of whom have disappeared from public view and seem to be largely maintaining radio silence at the moment, will have some difficult questions to answer that relate more closely to their campaign promises and claims. It’s perhaps worth rehearsing a few of these, with possible implications for the energy sector.
So what are the implications of the referendum vote for climate and energy policy issues? These are not at the forefront for the moment, and no doubt the Leave politicians, many of whom have disappeared from public view and seem to be largely maintaining radio silence at the moment, will have some difficult questions to answer that relate more closely to their campaign promises and claims. It’s perhaps worth rehearsing a few of these, with possible implications for the energy sector.
As earlier comments in this blog have suggested, EU
membership has been at most a limited constraint on UK policy. We have
criticised the weakness of the EU’s flagship policy, the emissions trading scheme, which has perhaps led to a
greater reliance on individual national policies (across Europe), not
necessarily consistent with each other or with European targets, than would
have been ideal.
There are specific areas which may be profoundly
affected. The most obvious is British/
French collaboration on Hinckley Point nuclear station, which must now be
facing almost insuperable political difficulties. The other area that could
matter greatly to us is collaboration over interconnectors, where the EU was
developing a very useful role.
The biggest issues however lie in the broader political
arena, around support for climate policies in which the UK has been a leader.
Most of the leading figures in the
campaign to leave the EU are climate policy sceptics, including former Tory
chancellor, Lord Lawson, former environment secretary, Owen Paterson, Johnson,
Gove, Redwood and many others.
Even though our politicians will be pre-occupied with
fire-fighting, an early challenge in the new political landscape will arrive
next week, when ministers are due to approve new greenhouse gas reduction
targets under the UK’s Climate Change Act.
Advice from the Committee on Climate Change is that the UK should aim
for a 57 per cent cut in emissions by the early 2030s but it is possible that the
climate ideologues, emboldened by Thursday’s vote, will try to reject this.
However with millions of voters already feeling they have
been the victims of a fraudulent campaign, and a petition for a second
referendum already approaching 3 million signatures, my guess is that this will
not be the time or the issue where the embattled Brexiters choose to stand
against current policy.
Looking slightly further ahead, a critical question will
be the UK’s commitment to the Paris agreement. As I have suggested before, this
is an issue that will almost certainly become closely intertwined with trade,
especially in relation to heavy industry.
In the steel industry context, I noted earlier that a Brexit would
almost certainly entail significant devaluation of sterling, possibly to the
short term benefit of that industry. That
has now happened with remarkable speed, although with Brexit I fear the
prospects for steel and many other industries are looking much less attractive.
…………………………..
Small questions at random for future Brexit ministers.
·
How is the £350 million a week Brexit dividend to be
spent? How much of this can now be put to restoring the cancelled CCS funding is
one question that might particularly interest those concerned with climate
policy? We understand from the campaign that in general the commitments to environment spending will be maintained.
·
Does the Brexit bonus of cutting EU regulation extend to
disavowing the Basel 3 recommendations? This is the implication of Leave campaign’s
statements to the effect that this the second largest “cost” of red tape. Since
these were essentially the reserve ratio requirements to limit post-crash
activities of the banks, would this impact on UK credit standing, and on financing
of energy projects?
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