Another policy conundrum where
the rules may need to be rewritten. Much of the logic of public goods and
market failure will be common to most of the greatest issues facing humanity,
but nowhere more than in health and the global environment. And knowledge is a
crucial resource.
A number of my recent postings
have discussed the concept of market failure in relation to global threats,
most notably the current pandemic and the growing challenges posed by climate
change. Freedom from disease can be regarded as a public good, as can a stable
environment and climate, and in both instances there are numerous sources of
potential market failure. One, though by no means the only one, is the way in
which we manage knowledge and information of all kinds, and this leads us into
some complex issues of policy, particularly in relation to the protection of
intellectual property.
Knowledge is a public good in
that its use by one person does not reduce the ability of others to use the
same knowledge. A lighthouse has the same property – every ship that observes
its beam can take action to avoid the same hazard. But like all public goods,
if it is freely available, there may be an inadequate incentive to create it in
the first place. With free use, then there may be insufficient incentive for
the creator of that knowledge to invest their time or money in research or
development while others can then enjoy a “free ride” on what they produce. Policies
may therefore be necessary to support it, either by arranging to pay for it
through public expenditure, or through the creation of property rights in
respect of the knowledge created, through intellectual property law.
If knowledge is thereby not
created (or discovered or reported), this is a market failure
(under-production), which society, and hence governments, need to correct.
Intellectual property rights such
as patents are one way to do this. But they do so at the expense of another
market failure, and a potentially high economic cost. Monopolies prevent the full
exploitation by others of the knowledge that is created, and the knowledge is
under-used even though its further use would appear to have no cost to society
as whole.
The relevant question for
society is which of these two considerations is treated as more important in a
given period or for particular social and economic conditions. Protection of
intellectual property is of course often seen as a key component of free
markets, and what we might loosely call modern capitalism, while more
collectivist political philosophies, and in particular China, have been widely
accused of refusing to respect this particular form of property right.
So it is perhaps surprising to
discover the following quote from Thomas Jefferson, one of the most revered of
the Founding Fathers and early Presidents of the United States. It is an
impassioned defence of knowledge as a public good, and an argument against the
idea of intellectual property.
“He who receives an idea
from me, receives instruction himself without lessening mine; as he who lights
his taper at mine, receives light without darkening me. That ideas should
freely spread from one to another over the globe, for the moral and mutual
instruction of man, and improvement of his condition, seems to have been
peculiarly and benevolently designed by nature, when she made them, like fire,
expansible over all space, without lessening their density in any point, and
like the air in which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable
of confinement or exclusive appropriation. Inventions then cannot, in nature,
be a subject of property. Society may give an exclusive right to the profits
arising from them, as an encouragement to men to pursue ideas which may produce
utility, but this may or may not be done, according to the will and convenience
of the society, without claim or complaint from any body. Accordingly, it is a
fact, as far as I am informed, that England was, until we copied her, the only
country on earth which ever, by a general law, gave a legal right to the
exclusive use of an idea. In some other countries it is sometimes done, in a
great case, and by a special and personal act, but, generally speaking, other
nations have thought that these monopolies produce more embarrassment than
advantage to society; and it may be observed that the nations which refuse
monopolies of invention, are as fruitful as England in new and useful devices.”
However despite Thomas
Jefferson, and throughout the late 20th century, the conventional wisdom has been
that intellectual property should be protected, even if this had the effect of
creating private monopolies. The main mechanism has been stringent patents
strictly enforced. But this has created major problems, even in advanced economies,
leading to re-evaluation of other new and established means to encourage and
finance research, of which there a number, ranging from direct public or
charitable sponsoring of research to the offer of prizes for solutions that meet
particular needs. It is perhaps ironic, too, that the truly great leaps forward
in understanding, for example in the mathematics and physics[1] that underpin virtually every
element in the modern world, from electronics to medicine, never depended on
intellectual property protection and indeed were largely unpatentable.
Nobel prize-winning economist
Joseph Stiglitz has argued[2] that the conventional
philosophy of reliance on patents/ monopolies is increasingly dysfunctional. It
has led to “an increasingly dense patent thicket, in a world of products
requiring thousands of patents, [this] has sometimes stifled innovation”. Even
within the research itself, the incentive may be targeted less at new products
than at extending, broadening and leveraging the monopoly power provided by the
original patent. Increasingly the objective appears to be the protection of
corporate revenues rather than the public interest. Stiglitz[3] also argues that “the
preponderance of theoretical and empirical evidence indicates that the economic
institutions and laws protecting knowledge in today’s advanced economies are
increasingly inadequate to govern global economic activity and are poorly
suited to meet the needs of developing countries and emerging markets. They are
inimical to providing for basic human needs such as adequate healthcare.”
“The US supreme court’s 2013
decision that naturally occurring genes cannot be patented has provided a test
of whether patents stimulate research and innovation, as advocates claim, or
impede them by restricting access to knowledge. The results are unambiguous:
innovation has been accelerated, leading to better diagnostic tests (for the
presence of, say, the BRCA genes related to breast cancer) at much lower costs.”
Stiglitz mounts powerful general
arguments for the reform of current arrangements in respect of intellectual
property, which he sees as more or less inevitable in the context of
increasingly “weightless” economies, and the growing influence of many of the
developing world economies. But few demonstrations could be more eloquent than
the importance of speedy transfer and exchange of information and research in
relation to the coronavirus pandemic, or of the other even larger threat of
global climate change.
Few recent stories will have
generated more international outrage than the Die Welt report that the White
House had attempted to relocate CareVac, a research company
based in Tuebingen, in order to secure exclusive access to the vaccine
“only for the United States”. Equally it is impossible to understate the
importance of the Chinese authorities’ early release[4] of the virus genome (after
earlier delays in recognising and admitting the seriousness of the outbreak),
or the exchange of data between countries on their individual experiences of
the disease. Had any of these been treated solely as the property of the
gatherers of the initial information, for their own commercial advantage, efforts
to deal with the virus would be in a much worse position than they are today.
Similar importance can be
attached to the free exchange of information in relation to climate matters,
both in terms of the climate science itself, and in terms of the technologies
and ideas required to limit and mitigate its consequences. There is a double
emphasis when both the objective, health or global environment, and the means
of achievement, knowledge and information, can properly be classified as public
goods of the greatest possible value.
Two comments on this post.
[1]
Without quantum theory, to take just one example, no transistors or electronic
systems, no electron microscopes, and virtually nothing we take for granted in
modern medicine.
[2] Wealth before Health? Why
intellectual property laws are facing a counterattack. Joseph Stiglitz 19
October 2017. Guardian.
[3] Innovation, Intellectual Property, and
Development: A Better Set of Approaches for the 21st Century.
Dean Baker, Arjun Jayadev and Joseph Stiglitz, July 2017. Shuttleworth Foundation.
Dean Baker, Arjun Jayadev and Joseph Stiglitz, July 2017. Shuttleworth Foundation.
[4] “Potentially
really important moment in global public health-must be celebrated, everyone
involved in Wuhan, in China & beyond acknowledged, thanked & get all
the credit,” Jeremy Farrar, head of the Wellcome Trust in London, wrote in
a tweet. “Sharing of data good for public health, great for those who did the
work. Just needs those incentives & trust.”
2 comments:
The situation is worse than you describe. The mismatch between expanding patent coverage and the quickening pace of disruptive change has become one of the greatest sources of danger to the innovation economy.
Current laws have also encouraged patent trolls, who bring vexatious claims based on absurd patents.
Actually this post understates the reputational damage to the United States that is resulting from this episode. This link is to a Guardian article that puts the issue in a wider context:
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/apr/12/us-global-reputation-rock-bottom-donald-trump-coronavirus
This is a newspaper that has never been sympathetic to Trump or his brand of politics, but
is probably an accurate reflection of much wider, British, European and international opinion.
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